Indian Freedom in peril
The golden words of
Rabindranath Tagore, where the mind is without fear and the head is held high…
into that heaven of freedom, my Father set my country aware!! Calls each of us
too an awakening of National Consciousness. Although we cannot pride ourselves
in having reaped the fruits of independence in the full measure, we have to
admit that independence has not sought us economic prosperity or social
justice, as envisaged y our Fore Fathers we have also not succeeded in living up
to the ideals enshrined in the constitution. Justice, Liberty, Equality and
Fraternity still continue to elude the common man ‘divide and rule’ policy of
the British has been religiously continued by our politicians who keep the
country divided on the basis of caste, creed, religion and language etc., Now
we have as added evil in the ‘Hinduism ’ definition of Indian identity based on
whether one of several religions, one wanders wherefore, in a pluralistic
society comprising people of several religions, one wonders whether it is
possible to share an Indian identify without sharing the same religion
(Hinduism). A.F. Nazareth says, “the picture then which India presents to day
to its citizens is diverse, and varies from person to person. If one looks
through the eyes of a woman, we will find that freedom is more of a moth than a
reality. ”
At present in India we have so many cases of rape, kidnapping,
dowry death, criminal offences and bribe burning etc., again we have the cry
for justice and equality from the oppressed Dalits class, arising out of the
pernicious caste system. If it is true that the criteria for the distribution
of relief material and aid, which was allegedly, made solely on the basis of
caste, creed, and religion during the recent tsunami in South India and cyclone
in Orissa.This only goes to show how corrupt the government. Again it is known
that the Christian are accused of converting people in Orissa.
People are worse than before the B.J.P., which once prided itself
as being a party with a difference has failed to live up to its image. People
are now disillusioned with the government and need the much-required change.
The present government is fighting for survival. Politicians and common
citizens of the country contradict each other for their right existence. In
this modern world many have become for everything. Politicians run after money
and close their eyes for the justice and truth. They are no way to stand for
the right. Today we say that, “seeing is believing” this is what the Indian government
sees but has no mind to punish the guilty.
The recent incident, which took place in Nandigram and Singur, was
one of the unthinkable incidents. This is because of the cardinal role of the
politicians. The chief Minister of the West Bengal Budhadev Chattarji knows
everything yet acts like and ignorant being. Money, Money everything is money
for some. The B.J.P. government planned to plant a Tata Industry in Nandigram.
The place where the poor farmers earned the daily bread for their entire family.
Now, when the poor farmers rose up for the protest was brutally killed. Keeping
this merciless act of govt. how can we Indian say that, India is a democratic
country, which is for the people by the people and of the people. In appearance
it may be yes but in reality no!
The political Scenario is no way better. Few years back in Tamil
Nadu Jaya Lalita created constitutional history by becoming the chief minister
despite being disqualified from contesting the election on chares of corruption
and having been convicted. Yet people favored a corrupted Jaya to communal
B.J.P. alliance. In Bengal Mamata Banarjee too quit the N.D.A. alliance to join
the congress in Kolkota. Infact it is surprising to note that in Bengal for
many years the communist government has been ruling. It is not that people are
willing to vote such leader rather peoples minds are corrupted during the
election.
Let us pause and reflect the present situation of the nation. Many
lost their lives few remained orphans and homeless due to natural calamities.
Indian government is busy in organizing the cricket matches. Millions of people
die out of hunger but millions of money is offered to the cricketers. How could
we justify the justice of the Indian government? Which is so called democratic
country. In my view it is not sufficient to say that our country is free. Yes!
Country will be free when one will be concern towards
The needy, poor,
marginalized, orphan and helpless. Otherwise, it will continue to show the
picture of present India to her citizens. Justice, Liberty, Equality and
Fraternity still continue to elude the common man.
Cultural Freedom
It is easy to speak on freedom especially when one is at a safe
distance from the stench and sting of realities. It is easy to forget that
others remain slaces just because one is luxuriating in a freedom that excludes
a sense of fellow feeling. The enemies of our freedom (British) have left our
country. But now we have become the enemies of our freedom. We do not have love
and concern for our brothers and sisters. We just want to enjoy ourselves by
putting others to hell. There is so much of terror, corruption and violence
etc., in our country. The question is can freedom be real in situation of
terror? Can liberty survive long after the arm of justice? Is the cultural
freedom criticized or appreciated. Yes it is a greatest question mark (?) in
this modern world.
Each part of the
country has its own tradition and culture. It beautifies the nation
When it is considered
as a whole. It is like a bouquet made of scattered flowers.
Working
Women and Sexual Harassment in Private Sectors
As a citizen of India, a woman is
entitled t equality in all spheres of life. The Constitution of India
guarantees justice, liberty and equality to all citizens and prohibits
discriminations on the grounds of caste, race, creed, sex and place o birth. In
1979, the UN General Assembly adopted the convention on the elimination of all
forms of discrimination against women, which the government of India ratified.
The convention emphasized that discrimination and attacks on a woman’s dignity
violated the principle of equality of rights.
Constitutional guarantee, ratification of the ILO convention no.
100 and legal provisions has given protection to women workers but could not
bring them at par with men. The recognition of the right to protection against
sexual harassment is an intrinsic component of the protection of women’s human
rights. In spite of all these provisions the status of women in the society is
not what it should be. They are abused, misused, and exploited behaviors
agencies/actors.
Sexual harassment at workplace is a universal problem. Even though
the occurrence is a universal problem. Eve though the occurrence of sexual
harassment at the workplace is widespread in India and elsewhere, it for the
first time, in Vishakha’s case has been recognized as and infringement of the
fundamental rights of a woman, under Article 19(1) (g) of the constitution of
India.
It was in 1997, Vishaka vs. State of Rajasthan and others, that for
the first time sexual harassment had been explicitly, legally defined as an
unwelcome sexual gesture or behavior whether directly or indirectly .it was in
this landmark case that the sexual harassment was identified as a separate illegal
behavior. The critical factor in sexual harassment is the unwelcome ness of the
behavior. The court has laid down norms and guidelines to be followed by
employers or other responsible persons in the work places or other institutions
to prevent or deter the commission of acts of sexual harassment as also to
provide the procedures for resolution, settlement or prosecution of acts of
sexual harassment by taking all steps required including setting up of
Complaints Committees for redressal of the complaint made by the victim.
Sexual harassment and private sectors
Women constitute a significant part of the workforce I private
sector of India. Participation of women in private sectors of India.
Participation of women in workforce has been universally recognized. The
prominence of workingwomen as a category has been a recent development; but the
society has remained traditional in its attitude to women who work. Women lag
behind men in terms of safe working conditions in private sectors as far as
sexual harassment is concerned.
No wonder, women face multifarious problems in a country like India
where patriarchy is the rule in every aspect of social life. Working women face
more complicated situations than their male counterparts as majority of them
have to play dual roles; responsibility at the workplace and in their families.
All over India 4934.4 thousand women are working both in public and
private sector. Out them 41.2% are working in the private sector and rest of
them are working in public sector. (Source: Ministry of Labour, Govt. of India,
2004).
In Delhi 30.25
thousand women are working in manufacturing, health services, social services,
electricity, gas, water supply, construction, wholesale, retail trade, repair
of motor vehicle, personal, household work, hotel, storage, communication,
financial information, real administration, business activities, education,
health and social work, other community social and personal activity and
private households. In private sector 24.5%women are working in manufacturing
area, 38.68% women are working in education, and 7.4% are working in health and
social services. (Source: Ministry of Labour, Govt. of Delhi, 2003).
Women are often forced
to work under the most disadvantageous service conditions in certain establishments,
and cased of sexual exploitation reported on this are increasing day by day. In
Delhi (2005), about 222. Cases of sexual harassment have been registered under
section 509 of Indian Penal Code. (Lok Sabha Unstarred Question No. 4860,dated
23.05.2006).
Working women are very often sexually harassed at work places by
their male employers, bosses, colleagues, and others but more often these cases
are not reported by tem for fear of social ostracism, family pressure or
reprisal through threats and discriminatory treatment. As a result,
workingwomen often feel insecure at their work places.
Though the Supreme
Court judgment is there, no law however, has been enacted to deal exclusively
with this problem, which is of vital women throughout the country, similarly,
constitutional guarantee, ratification of the ILO Convention No.100, and legal
provisions has given protection to women workers but could not bring them at
par with men.
The Vishaka’s judgment based itself not only on Articles 14 and 21
(equality and right to life of the Constitution, but also Article 19 (1) the
right to ‘practice any profession or to carry on any occupation, trade or
business. ’ The Supreme Court guidelines make employers and institutions
responsible for implementing both preventive and remedial measure to make the
workplace safe for women.
Implementation of Vishakha guidelines
Despite bold judgments by the Supreme Court, there is no sexual
harassment complaints committee at most workplaces. Not many institutions have
set up mechanisms like complaint committees to tackle sexual harassment. Most
women, therefore, continue to suffer in silence, either enduring the
harassment, or quitting their jobs when the going get too rough.
Because of the lack of awareness among women regarding their rights
and what constitutes harassment, many women are still reluctant to come out in
the open to press charges of sexual harassment at workplaces. After the Supreme
Court produced the Vishakha’s guidelines, the private sector was forced to constitute
complaints committees in all departments. But these committees just remain on
paper and most of them have never met.
Most of the members in the sexual harassment committee are picked
at random and told to be in the committee. None of the members have been given
any training on gender sensitization; the Vishakha’s guidelines, or how a
complaint of harassment should be handled with sensitivity and confidentiality.
It is necessary that, only those who are sensitive towards women’s issues
should be on this committee. Women should understand that sexual harassment is
a crime of opportunity and power; it has nothing to do with her attire or her
behaviour.
It is very important that Govt. should enact a comprehensive law on
sexual harassment at workplaces. The Supreme Court guideline in the Vishaka’s
case, empowering women against sexual harassment at workplaces and the
Prevention of Sexual Harassments at the Workplace can ensure women’s safety in
workplaces.
Only One
Since he became the general secretary of the Communist Party of
China five years ago, Hu Jintao has done nothing to in spite the false hope
that he is a reformer in the mould of Mikhail Gorbachev.On the contrary, he
kept dashing democratic hopes by imposing fresh restrictions on the media and
scuttling the party’s tentative plans for the first direct elections to the
provincial assemblies. Neither China nor the world should therefore be
surprised that Mr. Hu in his inaugural address at the party’s 17th
national congress, has ruled out political reform. What he has offered instead
“intra-party democracy ” is familiar rhetoric that has no meaning to the
ordinary Chinese. His speech makes it clear that the party has no intention of
giving up its monopoly of power.
But this emphasis on the
central role of the party flies in the face of the people-growing clamour for
political freedom. The cry for democracy in China is no longer restricted to
dissident groups such as the Falun Gong or the followers of the Dalai Lama.
Widespread, unrest among farmers is directed not just at the government’s
economic policies; it is also an expression of the people’s desire to free
their lives from official controls. The insistence on the party’s role is
clearly born of a fear of its losing power and legitimacy. Ironically, Mr. Hu
does not see that the absence of democracy is at the root of most of the
problems that he is so concerned about. The widening social and economic gaps,
corruption and even the grave environmental threats, that seem to worry him, are
largely due to the party’s iron grip on power and the people’s inability to
influence the decision making process. It is possible, as Mr. Hu promised, that
China will increase its current gross domestic product by four times in
2020.but his references to the social and environmental costs of this
development overdrive do not quite reveal the true picture. Some of the facts
are staggering. Sixteen of the 20 most polluted cities in the World are in
China. There is chronic water shortage in large parts of the country, owing
mainly t o the break neck speed of industrialization. Most t of the country’s
rivers is dangerously contaminated. The industries can get away with wantonly
destroying the environment because their promoters are often in league with
corrupt party officials. The one party rule sits uneasily on the brave new
world of the Chinese economy.
Just Not Good Enough
I returned to Delhi after a week, turned on the telly and saw and
absurd breaking news Sania Mirza loses. What’s new about that? It is stagle,
predictable news, as are the regular announcements of the Indian Cricket team
losing regularly. In fact, Indian sportsmen have been performing poorly in a
consistent manner, be it in tennis or cricket. The hype surrounding the
superstars is short lived. They start to lose after winning the first game
because professionalism id non-existent in this country. Quick fix celebrity
status has become a way of life and it is disappointing to find icons making a
mockery of real excellence. In sharp contrast, our master artisans retain an
unbroken tradition of fine craftsmanship. But alas, they do not find a place on
the celebrity list.
There was a time in the not so distant past when celebrities were
living, working thinking individual, people who stood out in the crowd. They
not merely made ‘news’ on the pages of glossy magazines or in daily newspapers
and tabloids. These men and women made impact on the international and national
stage, breaking new ground. They were people who set fresh parameters, established
new trends, opened stale minds by activating the latent imagination of the
masses. They were leaders, the harbingers of change and growth. Today, the
indiscriminate use of mediocre methods in the realm of excellence has lowered
the level by which we once judged our best and the brightest. By celebrating
mediocrity, we have diluted the quality of our creative growth and development.
The best shy away from ant association with the mediocre and the result is a
profound lowering of standards, particularly in the public domain.
Walk, Don’t Run
Time was when, it is said, and cricket
was a gentleman’s game. Then, many batsmen “walked”: if they knew they were
out, they did not wait for the umpire’s decision but walked to the pavilion.
The classic example of this was the English batsman, Jack Hobbs, who, on one
occasion, turned around to ask the Australian wicketkeeper, Bert Old field,
known for not making unfair appeals, what the appeal was about. When Old-field
replied, “I think you are out, sir,” Hobbs said “Then I better go ”. But not
all batsmen, even in the halcyon days of cricket, followed the high ethical
standards of Hobbs. The most notable exception was none other than the great
Don Bradman, who never walked. He argued that the umpire was the right person
to decide if a batsman was out or not. He always accepted the umpire’s decision
with a smile. He added that errors made by umpires cancelled themselves out in
the course of a cricketer’s career. Walking has always been a contentious issue
in cricket. It has suddenly resurfaced with the admission of Murali Kartik that
he had actually snicked a catch and the umpire had not given him out. He
carried on to play an innings that proved to be the turning point of the match.
Sit is extremely difficult –if not
impossible –to take and ethical stand on the question of walking. Answers will
vary according to how cricket is viewed. The handful often scorned as fuddy
duddies who view cricket, as something more than a game, as a way of life, will
always argue that walking, since it is synonymous with honesty, should be as
integral part of cricket. A major dent in this view is made by the example of
Bradman, who played the game according to the highest possible standards.
Against the old-fashioned idea is the more modern and professional one, which
believes in the maximization of a given competitive situation. Upholders of
this view would say that id batsmen are expected to walk, then bowlers should
be expected not to make obviously unfair appeals and fielders should always
acknowledge it when they take a catch that is not fairly held. Walking cannot
be conditions are fulfilled in modern cricket and it would be silly to expect
them to be fulfilled. There are good reasons to doubt, pace the idealized view
of the game, if cricket was ever played under such conditions.
Mr. Kartik, probably because he is still
young, has made one mistake. He admitted that he had missed one tat escaped the
eyes of the umpire. Other players in a similar situation would have kept quiet.
It would be disingenuous to adopt a righteous and moral tone against Mr.
Kartik. He did what almost all cricketers do today. There is one point that
needs to be underlined in the context of this particular incident. Batsmen are
entitled not to walk, but they should always accept the umpire’s decision, even
when it goes against them. Favorable and unfavorable decisions should be
treated at par. That will be true to the spirit of cricket or of any other
sport.
No Change, Just Teasing
There times when a story says everything
you need to say, where comment or analysis adds nothing, and this is one of
them.
Recently a gentleman arrived in Calcutta
with the intention of setting up house for a few months. He quickly found a
good person to come and do the housework. Then the plumber and electrician came
and repaired everything. The cooking gas organized itself amazingly quickly and
the gent easily located all the shops where he could buy his food supplies.
Next, our man went across to one of the local providers and got himself a
mobile number without too much fuss. Finally, he found the phone number of the
local liquor-shop and quickly established a home delivery upon demand
relationship. At the end of the week it took to do all this, the gentleman
found himself happily surprised. “Golly, this was not the Calcutta I knew when
I last lived here! ” he said to all and sundry. “Why, this life set-up speed
matches that of Bombay and Delhi!”
Keep Trying
Unlike economists, politicians, especially in a democracy, have no
choice but to deal with the people. The chief minister of Orissa, Naveen
Patnaik, faces a politician’s challenge of making a major economic venture
acceptable to the people. The steel project proposed to be built by the South
Korean firm, Posco, in Orissa could truly be a momentous happening. Estimated
to cost Rs52, 000crore, it would be the biggest foreign direct investment in
India. The proposal is clearly a testimony to the faith that India has been
able to inspire among investors around the globe. But the dilemma that Mr.
Patnaik faces reflects a mismatch between this faith and the people’s
perception of the benefits from such economic enterprises. The reason why Posco
chose Orissa for the project is obvious. The state’s reserves of good quality iron
ore have also attracted several Indian steel firms. But if the Posco project
has not made much progress in the past two years, it is because the people who
would be displaced by it are not convinced about its benefits to them. It is a
truism that natural resources do not create wealth unless they are put to
economic use. Orissa’s grinding poverty only illustrates this.
Persuasion, rather than force, is the
only option available to Mr. Patnaik. He can draw his lessons from the events
at Nandigram in West Bengal, where a proposal for a chemical hub had to be
abandoned by Buddhadeb Bhatacharjee following violent mass protests against it.
But both the center and the state governments should ask themselves why the
common people are getting increasingly worried, rather than enthused, about big
investment proposals. For long, governments ignored the people’s anxiety about
losing their land and livelihoods to large industrial ventures. The protests at
Nandigram, Jagatsinghpur and elsewhere in the country have forced New Delhi to
recently draft a relief and rehabilitation policy. Even the Supreme Court has
frowned on at in the name of “public good” and hand it over to private
entrepreneurs. While there is reason to be optimistic about the country’s gross
domestic product reaching nine per cent, the seamier side of development can no
longer be overlooked. Mr. Patnaik has to be inventive in order to win over the
skeptics. It is not an easy task, but the cost of not trying can be very high.
Get Real
The twin blasts in Pakistan have done for
Benazir Bhutto what would have taken her months to accomplish. They have turned
her into a martyr for the cause of democracy and turned public sympathy in
favour of a leader who, not too long ago, had attracted much derision for
striking a deal with a dictator. Ms Bhutto has announced severally since the
carnage that she was aware of the dangers to her life when she returned to
Pakistan and undertook the triumphant march towards the tomb of Muhammad Ali
Jinnah. And now, despite the looming threats, she is ready to start her
campaign from Larkana for the return of democracy. Defiance of the threat to
life is surely more honourable than defiance of the threat of arrest and
deportment. Ms Bhutto naturally scores over her chief contender, Nawaz Sharif,
who still has no option but to watch the swift turn of events from distant
shores. That is, until the Supreme Court plays the spoiler, strikes down Ms
Bhutto’s ‘reconciliation’ with autocracy, and paves the way for Mr. Sharif’s return
for a democratic contest. Till then, Ms Bhutto can hope to capitalize on the
sudden surge of emotions for her. Together with her pointed campaign for the
common man, she can even make headway before the Supreme Court knows its mind
and the General finds ammunition to fight the gathering storm.
But
there are indications that Ms Bhutto is labouring from a severely compromised
position. This was evident from the way she changed tack and placed the blame
for the blasts on supporters of a former dictator and their use of terrorists,
instead of directly accusing the Pervez Musharaf administration for and
intelligence failure. Ms Bhutto obviously sees a divided army, one half
friendly towards her, the other half antagonistic. But the blasts were the handiwork of
oligarchs fearful that democracy would loosen their hold on power; need she be
concerning herself only with the threat from Ziz-ul-Haq loyalists? Would the
General and his army men allow a Bhutto may try to remain blind to it, by
political power, even in the kind of democracy she is planning for the for
country, will remain with the elite. If she wishes her people to have true
democracy, Pakistan’s army to be purged of ‘traitors’, its borders to be
cleared of terrorists and its trade to reach an unprecedented high, Ms Bhutto
has to get more realistic, and a little more brave.
Just One
It
is ironic that the proper functioning of the judiciary should make news. But
given the delays, backlog and the innumerable distractions that come in the way
of the delivery of justice in India, the event of the judiciary arriving at a
mementos decision on four high-profile cased on the same day cannot but be
described as fortuitious.through each of its judgments, which will equally
touch the lives of a powerful politician Samajwadi Party legislator, Amarmani
Madhumita Shukla murder case, senior policemen connaught place shootout,
religious fundamentalists and way ward civilians the judiciary has reiterated
the cardinal principle of a democratic state that no one is above the law.
There is another powerful message in the judgments justice delayed is not
always justice denied. In at least three of the four cased, the verdicts have
come at least a decade later. But in all of them, the course of justice has
been doggedly pursued, sometimes at the initiation of the higher judiciary
itself. In the Madhumita Shukla murder case involving Tripathi, the Supreme
Court had ordered the transfer of the court proceedings to Dehra Dun to prevent
political influence from jeopardizing the procedure. In a slew of verdicts,
reopening of cases and revision of previous judgments for over more than a year
the judiciary has not only shown a willingness for self-correction, but also a
greater sensitivity to the needs of the wronged.
However, the four
cases, all of which may go for retrial in the higher courts, should not
distract attention from the fact that for each successful case, there are
innumerable others crying out to be heard. There has still not been any
significant judgment on the Gujarat riot cases, or in the other high visibility
case of Nitish katara`, leave alone the injustices committed in rural and
semi-urban India that never make it to the national consciousness. Speed in the
disposal of cases is essential not only to give confidence to the victims but
also to make the system of justice appear transparent and efficient to the
public. Which is why it is so important that cases, which are in the public
eye, as that of Rizwanur Rahman, are accorded the urgency they require. A system
that takes six years for the simple procedure of a hearing (as in the Chinkara
case involving Salman Khan) may appear befuddling to the public.
Fresh Start
Mass surrenders by
militants are not new in the Northeast. Neither the army nor the Assam government
would really expect the surrender of thirty odd members of the United
Liberation Front of Asom to signal the collapse of the rebellion. But it is an
important victory for the authorities, just as it must be a major wet aback for
the Ulfa’s morale. Northeastern insurgencies, like guerrilla wars anywhere, are
battles of attrition in which psychological strength may be more important than
firepower. The Ulfa has been the most intractable of the insurgents in the
region. The end of the Mizo rebellion in 1986 and the decade long Naga peace
talks have not prompted any real change of heart in the Ulfa leadership. On the
contrary, the Ulfa leaders abused both the army’s unilateral ceasefire and the
recent peace initiative in order to re- group and re-arm its cadre. Worse
still, the Assamese rebels have a particularly notorious record of killing
innocent people. If the battle against the Ulfa has not had better results so
far, it is largely due to the conflicting perceptions and strategies of the
army and the state government. Such confusions not only help the rebels but
also send out wrong signals to the common people.
The surrender of the
Ulfa activists also raises an old question. What the state government does in
order to help these rebels join the mainstream is an important element in the
fight against insurgency in the region. True, the Union home ministry has an
assistance package that includes a monthly stipend and provisions for training
the former militants in various trades. But Assam has a rather unsavory
experience of the state government’s handling of the matter. In the Eighties,
the ruling Congress sought to use groups of surrendered Ulfa activists for
party politics. With an abundant supply of money and other resources from the
government, these former rebels became law unto themselves, terrorizing the
common people and fleecing businessmen. The chief minister, Tarun Gogoi, cannot
afford to repeat those mistakes. Handled carefully, the rebel’s surrender can
have it s propaganda value. Their stories of the Ulfa leaders unethical ways
can help bust the myth about the latter’s idealism. If successfully
rehabilitated in normal life, they can inspire other rebels to be brave enough
to make a new beginning.
The debate hasn’t ended
The Lok Sabha was adjourned
in the last week of August following raucous acrimony over the issue of
parliamentary prerogative to decide the rights and wrongs of a foreign treaty
signed by the government. The debate is currently in a limbo. That does not
mean that it has lost its relevance.
The speaker of the Lok
Sabha, apparently, has no doubt in the matter. In terms of Entry 14 of the
Union list in the Seventh Schedule of our Constitution, entering into treatise
and agreements with foreign countries and implementing of treatise, agreements
and conventions with foreign countries are a prerogative of the Union
government. This prerogative, the speaker must have assumed, is absolute;
Parliament can at best debate various aspects of a treaty entered into with a
foreign country, but cannot vote on it; till as long as the government has the
confidence of parliament, it can go ahead and sign treaties and agreements with
foreign governments and international agencies.
There is problem
though. For the Union list defines the ambit of authority of not just the
executive, but also that of the legislative body at the Central level. That
legislative body is Parliament. Since Parliament has the power to legislate on
a subject covered by any entry in the Union list, it arguably should have the
right to give its opinion on each and every aspect of it. This particular
argument would seem to gain further ground from the contents of Article 253,
which reads, “… Parliament has power to make any law for the whole or any part
of the territory of India for implementing any treaty, agreement or convention
with any other country or countries or any decision made at any international
conference, association or other body. ”The purport of the article is
abundantly clear. In case a treaty signed by the government with a foreign
country entails any legislation for its implementation, Parliament has to come
into the picture; if Parliament refuses to pass the necessary legislation, the
treaty would be stillborn. The legislature, it follows has a say in the matter
of signing a foreign treaty; the executive cannot appropriate for itself the
role of the sole arbiter of its merits.
Knowing Well
The Securities and
Exchange Board of India has taken the first steps towards phasing out
participatory notes. The Reserve Bank of India hates them, and would long ago
have liked to see an end to them. But foreign institutional investors find
P-notes a great convenience; and the finance ministry, which is more sensitive
to the need for a favorable investment climate, had hitherto opposed their
termination. Four years ago, the ministry appointed a committee representing
all contending interests. It recommended confining the issue of P-notes to
regulated entities subject to KYC requirements. Once implemented, this recommendation
should have addressed the RBI’s misgivings about the ‘quality’ of the inflows.
It evidently did not. It is necessary to ask what KYC or ‘know your customer’
means in this context. Sebi allows only those FIIs. The concept of KYC can be
as issue only with regard to the FII’s customers- those who hold or trade in
Indian securities through FIIs.
It would be
unreasonable to apply KYC requirements to each of the millions of transactions
the FIIs may put through for their customers it should be enough if they
maintained a record of customers and satisfy KYC requirements for them
according to Sebi’s specifications. These would be satisfied if the FIIs had
the required details about the customers available for Sebi’s inspection n
their Mumbai offices, and if they sent the details to Sebi and the RBI once a
year. There is no such clear requirement. When Sebi asked UBS securities for
details of some customers, it refused, and appealed instead to the securities
appellate tribunal. But there is no reason why Sebi should not insist on a
disclosure clause in the licences of all FIIs.
Whether this practical
solution was tried out or not, it is obviously not sufficient for the RBI. If
Osama bin Laden wishes to invest in the National Stock Exchange, he is hardly
going to do so in his own name; he would do through Maharshi Hindutva
Corporation or some such front organization. The RBI could set up a
surveillance mechanism. But it finds it earlier and safer simply to get
paranoid. Termination of P-notes will force every FII customer to get a license
from Sebi, but that cannot allay the RBI’s fears. The only cure for of
political incorrectness. It hates foreign portfolio investment because it adds
to reserves; and it hates reserve accumulation because it makes capital controls
unnecessary. The RBI is worried about being done out of its job of controlling
and meddling, and will do anything to keep the job.
Signed Up
This is the third time
in 20 months that the Supreme Court has found it necessary to insist that all
marriages be registered. State governments had dillydallied over the
instruction since February 2006,very few of them even bothering to file the
compliance or non-compliance report within three months as required. That some
states had proceeded a few why steps by making registration of marriages
compulsory for Hindus only exposes the ineradicable fear all Indian politicians
seem to have of annoying the minority communities. They are unable to think out
of the groom of vote bank numbers; women cheated of their rights simply do not
appear on their horizon. In Jul this year; the court made clear that
registration was meant for all r3eligions. It is absurd that the court should
have mentioned this. Apart from the fact that a simple point of law cannot be
made without evoking and resisting the politics with which everything is always
enveloped, there is also the far more pressing reality of the increase in the
number of intercommunity and inter caste marriages. A major benefit of
registration, apart from gender justice, would be protection, of both partners
from unfair religious or social pressure.
Typically, West Bengal
does not figure in the list of states that have done something about making
registration compulsory. It has claimed, however, that it has amended the
especial Marriages Rules, the Hindu Marriage Act and the Registration of Muslim
Marriages and Divorces Registration Rules. That is, again typically, clever,
but obviously not what the Supreme Court wants. West Bengal, just like everyone
else, has been given three months to implement registration and frame rules for
it in such a way as to make clear the consequences of not registering a
marriage. Citizens can only wait and see.
Abortion and
the Teaching of the Church on Life
The church cannot
remain silent on the topic of abortion. She is conscious of the fact that it
belongs to her vocation to defend the human being against everything that could
disintegrate his or her dignity. Rising her voice in defense of life,
especially that of the defenseless and unknown, the church calls health c are
workers to professional loyalty, which does not tolerate any action which
suppressed life, despite of the risk of incomprehension, misunderstanding and
serious discrimination which this consistency might cause.
The Old and the
new Testaments
Death was not God’s
doing, he takes no pleasure in the extinction of the living (Wis.1: 13). In the
human level, it was the devil’s envy that brought death into the world (Wis.2:
24). Introduced by sin, death remains bound up with it: death is the sign and
fruit of sin. And death like sin will be definitively defea5ted by the
Resurrection in Christ (1Cor. 15:20-27). Thus we understand that human life,
even on this earth, is precious. Infused by the Creator, life is again taken back
by Him.
Life remains under
God’s protection: man’s blood cries out to Him (Gen. 2:7; Wis.15: 11) and he
will demand an account of it, for in the image of God man was made (Gen.9:
5-6). The commandment of God is formal: “you shall not kill” (Ex. 20:1).
Public
Pressure Against Life
In many countries
public authorities that resist the liberalization of abortion laws are the
object of powerful pressures. Numerous Christian lay people, especially
doctors, but also parents associations, statesmen, or leading figures in posts
of responsibility have also vigorously reacted against these intense propaganda
campaigns. Above all, many Episcopal conferences and many bishops action in
their own name have judged it opportune to recall very strongly the traditional
doctrine of the Church. Echoing the voice of the Church, the Catholic Bishops
Conference of India, for instance, affirms that, “Human life is inviolable. It
has sanctity. No one can take away an innocent life. We believe that every
person has the fundamental right to life from the moment of conception till
life’s natural end in this world. We believe that God alone has sovereign
dominion over human life.”
The first Right of
the Human person is his life
Human person has also
other goods, other values and some are more precious than life, but life is
fundamental; it is the condition of all the others. Hence it must be protected
above all others life does not belong to the society, nor does it belong to the
public authority in ay form to recognize this right for some and not for
others: all discrimination is evil, whether it be founded on race, sex, colour
or religion. It is not recognition by another that constitutes this right. This
right is antecedent to its recognition; it demands recognition and it is strictly
unjust to refuse it.
No change, just teasing
While this was quite
pleasing, especially when coupled with thoughts of Marilyn and Alva, the thing
did take a very long time to carry out simple actions such as send an email
attachment or download a homepage. So, after some thought, our main character
decide it was time to get a proper broadband connection. I’ve got a good guy,
said a friend; he provides all the broadband connections at my office. I’ll
send him to you tomorrow.
The next day, the
doorbell rang and a young man presented himself to our settled citizen. Debroop
Mitra, sir! Said the young man, extending his hand. From..! He added, casually
drap89ng the all India famous name of his company over the introduction.
Everything about the young man was both dapper and can do from his neatly
tucked in shirt to his fluent sales patter. Could he provide a decent broadband
connection? Can do sir! Could it be done quickly? Can do sir! Will have to, in
fact, sir, because we have to meet our end of month targets! In two, maximum
three days you’ll be fully connected. Was the connection reliable? Of course
sir, after all we have our Name and our reputation sir, bujhte to parchhen! As
you know, this is not the only thing our company does, but everything we do
with India!
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